Rachel Barenblat, Emily Tessone, Hussein Rashid are currently speaking about Roots and Branches, the Nature of Our Community.
Emily Tessone works at the Pluralism Project at Harvard College.
Are we one community, are we several communities?
No one in the room only reads blogs from their own faith tradition.
What is beneath our diversity?
Tim Simpson from Christian Alliance for Progress points out that it is easier for him to talk to progressive Muslims or Jews than traditionalist folks of his own Presbyterian faith.
Mik Moore jspot points out that blogging tends to attract folks who come to argue. He wonders what in blogging that can promote dialogue.
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David and I arrived, ate at Red Robin (unlimited fries and drinks!), and started meeting the great bloggers of the progressive faith community.
These folks are even more cool in person. Not only does Dr. Bruce Prescott (Mainstream Baptist) write a strong statement against religious intolerance in public schools but he sports an impressive handlebar mustache.
Check the Progressive Faith Con Blog for live updates tomorrow as the panels discuss topics such as blogging scripture and using new technologies.
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One more reminder that the first ever in the known history of civilized human kind Progressive Faith Blog Con is taking place in Montclair, New Jersey starting tomorrow and running through Sunday. We’ll be live-blogging from the event on Faith in Public Life, as will a number of our partners and fellow-attendees. Make the trip! Can’t make it? Check out these easy instructions for how to take part online as the event takes place.
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One of the saddest things about living in what Gore Vidal aptly calls the United States of Amnesia is that we cannot seem to recall the point of issues we struggled to resolve 30 years ago, let alone 100 or 200 years ago.
I was reminded of this after reading Sean Wilentz’s monumental history, The Rise of American Democracy, over the July 4 weekend. Wilentz emphasizes how anti-slavery forces in this country, building on the British anti-slavery agitation led by evangelicals like Wilberforce, were able to persuade a critical mass of Americans with the argument that slavery should be abolished not only because of the awful suffering of the slaves themselves but also because control by violence over the bodies of others degrades the characters and endangers the souls of those who exercise such control.
The anti-slavery movement made good propaganda use of the image of a kneeling, heavily-shackled African crying out with the words, “Am I Not a Man and a Brother?” This appealed to a religious sensibility that ran deeper the random Bible verses cited by pro-slavery preachers; it reminded people of Genesis 4, in which God says to the murderous Cain, “Listen, your brother’s blood is crying out to me from the ground!”
Preoccupied by the threat from without, the drafters of the Bush Administration’s various torture memos seem never to have considered the threat from within–the threat to the souls of those who would be expected to torture in our name. David Addington, John Yoo, and the others never seem to have considered what allowing U.S. personnel to abuse, torment, and even kill other human beings in the name of freedom would do to the characters of the abusers, and by extension, to the character of the nation. For we cannot pretend that we who permit or condone such acts to be done in our behalf are exempt from their corrosive effects.
Now, belatedly, we are beginning to get some sense of the incalculable damage that has been done, and not just at Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib, and Baghram Air Base but in the streets and alleyways of Ramadi, Haditha, and now Mahmudiya, where U.S. soldiers are alleged to have raped a 15 year old, shot her several times, killed her parents and her 7-year-old sister, and then tried to set the rape victim’s body on fire. There will be many more such incidents uncovered, and many more that are not uncovered but that will haunt the dreams and torment the spirits of the perpetrators, who may return from Operation Defend Iraqi Freedom but who will never fully return to civil society.
The lesson the Abolitionists and their successors tried to teach us was simple: we cannot brutalize others without brutalizing ourselves. Because we seem to have forgotten it, we can boast all we wish about our vaunted freedom and democracy, but in the eyes of the civilized world we wear the mark of Cain. We who were victims in September 2001 have forfeited all of the moral high ground by becoming conscienceless brute victimizers.
This is where the mindless–and bipartisan–”war on terrorism” has taken us. Unless we can recover our moral center, and soon, we, like Cain, will be left to wander in the wilderness, seeking but not finding a space of grace.
Post written for Faith in Public Life by Rev. Peter Laarman, Executive Director of Progressive Christians Uniting.
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There’s an interesting piece from Adele Stan on the American Prospect’s website right now. With Beckett’s centenary upon us, the Godot reference is appreciated and most appropriate. She’s not particularly sanguine (to say the least) about the prospects of a cohesive ‘Religious Left’ emerging to vanquish the Religious Right on a religio-political field of battle. Thank goodness. The best part about her argument isn’t that she thinks it won’t happen, but that she thinks it shouldn’t. As she puts it:
In seeking to create a counterpart to the religious right, we tried to force our values through a narrow hole. In essence, we bought into the religious authoritarianism of the right, inferring that moral authority proceeds only from religion. In this, we have sold ourselves short.
It’s a tricky project that many of us are working on right now: asserting clearly and confidently the moral and ethical values that motivate our political positions for the common good, without slipping into the sanctimonious self-righteous sermonizing that characterizes so many leaders of the Religious Right. The fear of making such mistakes is no doubt why some progressives (both secular and religious) have been very nervous about things like Sen. Obama’s recent address.
The next step in the argument, which her piece only begins to tackle, is to talk about what that positive engagement between faith communities and the political process around common good values might look like. While no one wants to turn into the Religious Right, there may be room for more substantive contributions from progressive faith leaders than Stan realizes. If she really means that recent events “kill off the dream of a religious left in America,” I’d have to differ strongly. They only point more clearly to what that community ought to look like to embody its own dreams and aspirations.
Groups like Sojourners and the Network of Spiritual Progressives are reaching increasingly impressive numbers for their national conferences. Others like Faithful America and the Interfaith Alliance are using cutting edge technologies to increase the impact of their advocacy. Collaborative efforts between secular and sacred around the budget, immigration, and the Voting Rights Act are showing leaders that their impact is increased through cooperation.
Stan is right that these religious voices can only be a part of the broader ethical foundation in which progressives ground their dream of a diverse, just, and free America. Each of these examples demonstrates the potential for progressive faith leaders to strike the balance between strength and humility and do justice to our proud legacy of social action in this country.
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